Class Blog entry, group: Me (Derek), Jessica, Sohmer
In a very informal ‘interview’ Derek spoke
with a fellow residencia resident Pancho (Fransisco) about the differences in
development between Latin America and North America. Some of the main points of Pancho’s argument
include emotional opinions heavily weighted towards the positive aspects of
North American development. He says that
“stupid, drunk Spaniards” colonized Latin America’ and that Spain’s goal was to
rob resources that would be brought back to its country, not reinvested or used
for local consumption - that Spain didn’t need its colonies for anything other
than a source of primary resources (what we touched on during lecture). He believes that smarter people colonized North America, and that they interacted better with
indigenous populations (compared with Spanish who killed almost all).
Our group does not
entirely agree with Pancho, though his opinions provide valuable insight about
how Argentine citizens view their history.
As far as the smart/stupid argument, we can’t agree. It’s true that the Spanish came to collect
resources and return home, but this only means that their mindset, not their
intelligence was any different than the settlers of the U.S. The North American settlers were fleeing
their (mainly English) homes in order to find a new one. They were interested in development. The majority intended to live in North America permanently and wanted to better their
lives; thus, they had a vested interest in the land, its development, and its
success. This vested interest in the territory
was not true for the Spanish until after independence, which was already much
later than the American Revolution.
This vested interest
spurred development and industry, while the Spanish colonies stagnated, stuck
in an exploitive situation that hindered development. As a result, North
America, a half-century ahead of its Southern neighbors, was able
to create more industry, manufactured goods and advanced products, while Latin American
countries were (and in many cases, are still) stuck with raw, primary materials
as their principal source of income. By
the time Latin America realized independence, and more importantly stability,
the United States
and the other “center” countries had far surpassed them in advanced production
of non-primary goods. The liberal
free-market policies only helped to keep LA in its place, or at least only
develop at a much slower rate while the center nations prospered more. Other policy prescriptions, such as ones
similar to the current leftist sweep through LA, are unable to overcome the gap
between the center and developed nations.
The cattle ranching
industry and resulting gaucho culture contributed to the economic realities
that currently separate the United States
and Argentina. Cattle ranching and export of beef became so
lucrative (especially once refrigerated container ships were developed) that
other investment and industry (that developed in the US,
Great Britain, and other
“center” countries) were discouraged in Argentina. In the present day, manufactured goods,
technology, service, and other advanced products are worth much more in the
international market. Thus, the nations
that were forced to develop high-tech industries and encourage
entrepreneurialism now fare much better than nations (like Argentina) who did
not start developing new industries as early, and instead relied longer (and in
many cases still rely) on primary
goods.
That the North American
colonies treated its native populations better, encouraging trade and
enlightening their own development (Pancho’s argument), is hard to believe. Both situations are equally horrifying. Both were extremely cruel with intentions of
annihilation. To compare them and
believe one was better than the other is more than a stretch. We treated our native populations just as
badly without trying to incorporate them into society, and pushed them out of
areas we wanted to be in.
Pancho also commented
that early development in North America included an ability to form
intelligent, smart society in North America. We have already dismissed the “intelligent,
smart” aspects, but it is true that society developed very differently in the
two continents, which is closely related to the divergent paths of political
structures on the two continents. The
division of South America into countries was
partially based on regional power-holding caudillos – what kind of political culture
does this create? One set up perfectly
for dictatorships. As discussed in
class, Latin America could have been
unified as one nation like the United
States, but instead broke up into
quarrelling polities. In North America, a society very concerned with the rights
of man political participation, DEcentralized power was always very important
to the colonists, based on their hatred of the English king. This led to an early development of democracy
in the United States. In the Latin American case, the sum of the
parts is less than the whole, and the divided states were much weaker actors
than the conglomerated United
States.
Then we spoke with David
about corruption in Latin America and its prevalence here in comparison to the U.S. He feels that this is what continues to
hinder development in this part of the world and that it is extremely difficult
to break this cycle. It is so ingrained
into society and the way government functions, that it is impossible to fix. He said that the dictatorships created this
culture of corruption leaving a legacy for the ‘democratic’ governments that
follow. This idea goes hand in hand with
path dependency. It is costly to change
such a structure, not only monetarily.
What political figure would want to take a chance to make such a leap
for their country? The cost of one’s
political career can be devastating as well as a leap in lifestyle change.
So now the U.S. isn’t so
dependent on manufacturing, but our technology, engineering (go GT), and
service industry.
Class Blog entry, group: Me, Jessica, Sohmer
We
asked Adel for her opinions about the current spat between Uruguay and Argentina over the construction of
papeleras on the river that separates the two countries. Adel believes
that Uruguay
is in the right. She said that the government, students, Gualeguaychu,
and greenpeace would not care if it was being built on the Argentine
side. She (more or less) explained that it boils down to pride (and if
you wanted to give them more credit - a question of violation of state’s
sovereign boundaries, if the damage spills over to the Argentine side).
She also said that Argentine’s simply really like to protest - which we can
attest to after studying Argentine history and following Argentine current
events. For example, the Buenos Aires Herald (frequently) casually
mentions strikes that close down buildings, etc. I remember talking with
another woman as well about the transportation strikes and how people deal with
those frequent occurrences. She said that la gente are used to it - used
to waking up some mornings not being able to make it to work.
We
asked Derek’s roommate Mauricio (Ecuador, 30) his thoughts about the
Uruguay-Argentina Papeleras conflict: he more or less said that he
couldn’t decide black or white which country was “in the right.” For
ecological reasons, he believed Argentina
is correct, but as far as having the “right” to create the Papeleras on the
river, he felt that it was definitely within Uruguay’s national sovereignty to
build them.
It
is possible to disagree with Mauricio’s diagnosis. For Uruguay to have the “right,” it would
need to take extra precautions to ensure that pollution would not affect
Argnetina’s side of the river; and then also have a back-up plan of what to do
if (more likely, when) the pollution managed to affect the other side - not
only clean-up measures, but also possibly monetary compensation; or maybe
Argentina should opt for a share of the profits from the start and allow a
specific, quantifiable amount of pollution on its side of the river.
Both presidents are under tremendous public pressure. Vasquez has been portrayed by the media as
backing down and giving in to Argentina,
while Kirchner is forced to support public opinion and gain support due to his
apparent bid for reelection next year. Argentine
public opinion on this issue has been determined by riding on a wave of
nationalism (as Adel noted), not necessarily by closely evaluating all the
close facts. In actuality, Argentina (Gualeguaychu not included) is not
seriously concerned with the potential damage caused by the papeleras (in fact
they would have been built in Argentina
except the governor required a bribe). Argentina has
several very destructive papeleras of its own that cause much more pollution
than would these more modern, more environmental-friendly plants. It is very possible for these pulp mills to
be very environmental friendly; it is also the most likely result if one looks
at the sustainability indices of Uruguay
and Finland,
four and one respectively. Argentina
should be more worried about the rest of the paper manufacture process (and all
the offshoots), which causes much more pollution than the pulp mills.
One view of the current issue-hype is that Kirchner, in
order to gain momentum and support in his bid for reelection next year, intentionally turned this issue from a
local one that concerned only Gualeguaychu into a national one with strong
public opinion and nationalist sentiment.
The Argentine-government is seriously at fault in not
removing its citizens from the bridge blockade that is delaying the transport
of construction materials for the mills.
Argentina’s
neglect has violated a treaty to not impede the transportation of materials
between nations. The two countries are
moving in the right direction though, as long as Argentina
holds to its promise of removing the blockade (with police-force if necessary)
while Uruguay
halts construction for ninety days.
Our opinion of what the International Court of Justice
should decide: Uruguay has to halt construction of the papeleras
and Argentina
needs to keep the bridge clear of protesters until a Hague Court-assigned 3rd-party organization
completes a review of the destructive effects of all three papeleras. The 3rd-party organization will report back
to the court, which will then make a final decision about whether the papeleras
infringe on Argentine sovereignty. If
they do not significantly infringe (based on their subjective opinion, traded
with how beneficial the investment would be for Uruguay), the papeleras can
continue to be built.
Our plan was approved by a local Argentine - Leo from last
week’s asado. He gave us his own version
that essentially agreed with our decision to halt construction until a third-party
evaluation is completed.